1964 Presidential Election Essay Research Paper The

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1964 Presidential Election Essay, Research Paper

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The 1964 Presidential election matched two really different campaigners during one of the most critical times in American history. John F. Kennedy, the really popular president, had been assassinated merely a twelvemonth earlier. The Cold War was at its tallness, the Civil Rights Movement was at full joust, and the state of affairs in Vietnam was merely get downing to intensify.

The two major-party campaigners were the Democrat Lyndon Baines Johnson, and the Republican Barry Morris Goldwater. Johnson chose Senate majority-whip leader, Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, as his running mate. Goldwater tabbed New York Congressman William Miller as vice-presidential campaigner. Third-party campaigners included: Clifton DeBerry from the Socialist Workers Party ; E. Harold Munn of the Prohibition Party ; John Kasper of the National States Rights Party ; Joseph B. Lightburn from the Constitution Party ; and James Hensley of the Universal Party. While these third-party campaigners were on the ballot, the presidential election was a two-horse race between Johnson and Goldwater.

Best know as a conservative icon and writer of The Conscience of a Conservative, Barry Goldwater began his political calling in the U.S. Department of the Interior ( Havel, 227 ) . His rise to the national limelight started in 1952 when he won his first Arizona Senatorial triumph by a narrow border. He was re-elected in a 1958 landslide after his unfavorable judgment of, so, President Dwight D. Eisenhower s disposal. A conservative Republican, Gold- H2O is remembered for his onslaughts on the policies of John F. Kennedy s disposal, peculiarly the public assistance province, which he likened to socialism. He besides opposed the centralisation of power in Washington, and upheld the powers of province and local authorities.

Lyndon Johnson used Congress to get down his national political calling. He won election in 1937 to the House from the province of Texas, and 1948 to the Senate, get the better ofing Coke Stevenson in the Democratic primary and Republican Jack Porter in the general election ( Havel, 306 ) . In 1951, he became the bulk whip of the Senate, the youngest to of all time keep the place. He gained national attending by going the president of the Preparedness Investigating Subcommittee of the Senate Armed Service Committee during the Korean War ( Havel, 306 ) . In 1954 Johnson won re-election to the Senate. He challenged Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts for the 1960 Democratic presidential nomination, and lost, but became frailty president when Kennedy chose him as his running mate. On November 6, 1960, Johnson was elected as Vice President of the United States and was besides re-elected to a 3rd term in the Senate.

While functioning as Vice President, Johnson was a member of the Cabinet and National Security Council, Chairman of the National Aeronautics and Space Council ( NASA today ) , and Chairman of the President s Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity ( Havel, 306 ) . On November 22, 1963, he became the 36th President of the United States after the blackwash of Kennedy in Dallas, Texas. After Kennedy s decease, Johnson announced that he would back up the legislative docket, peculiarly refering civil rights and instruction that Kennedy had set up. With the 1964 presidential election looming, Johnson did what he said he would make and on July 2, 1964 he signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964. This Act did much for all Americans, but particularly benefited African-Americans. It protected the right to vote, vouch entree to public adjustments, and did off with withholding of any federal financess from plans administered in a prejudiced manner ( Nelson, 387 ) .

During the Kennedy disposal the Democratic and Republican parties experienced a dramatic displacement in their several positions on racial issues. The Democratic Party, which had long been led by Southerners who suppressed the civil rights of inkinesss in the South, led by Kennedy, began to soften its stance on those issues. Taking the Democrats place were the Republicans, the party of Abraham Lincoln, The Great Emancipator. Barry Goldwater was the perfect representative to take the Republican Party under their new racial edict. The presidential race of 1964 has been described as, a decisive turning point in the political development of racial issues ( Carmines, Stimson, 47 ) .

The argument, transition, and sign language of the Civil Rights Act divided the state with the longest congressional argument in the state s history ( Black and Black, 149 ) . While Senator Goldwater was one of the few non-Southerners who voted against the Civil Rights Act, he was non a racialist, although he did go a frequent comrade to the Southern Congressmen and white Southern segregators ( Black and Black, 150 ) . Many of Goldwater s protagonists believed that he would roll up the bulk s ballot from his place part, and it was thought he could acquire the Midwest ballot every bit good. With no opportunity to win electoral ballots from California or New York, Goldwater knew he had to win the South to win the election. Goldwater hoped that his place as a right-winged Republican, who opposed the New Deal and The Great Society statute law, would win him the Southern ballot. He besides sought to work other issues of import to white Southerners, such as his resistance to many of Kennedy and Johnson s foreign policies, but particularly the federal authorities s engagement in racial alteration in America ( Nelson, 386 ) .

After Johnson assumed the presidential term after Kennedy s blackwash in 1963, there was small uncertainty that he would be the Democratic campaigner in 1964. The lone minor dissent by a Democrat was from Governor George C. Wallace of Alabama. Wallace entered three primaries, canvassing 43 per centum in Maryland. He talked of set uping a third-party campaigning, but finally backed off ( Nelson, 386 ) .

During the Republican Convention in San Francisco, there was a batch of tenseness between Goldwater and many other members of the Party. The lingering resentment from the primaries between Goldwater and New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller did non assist affairs. It was during his credence address at the Republican primary that Goldwater made his ill-famed call for a moral campaign, declaring that extremism in the defence of autonomy is no frailty. Moderation in the chase of justness is no virtuousness. While meant to be a defence of conservativism, it merged with old statements Goldwater had made recommending the usage of tactical atomic arms. Johnson used this, and other derogative statements from other Republicans about Goldwater, to paint him as an extremist who would certainly stop the age of adult male on Earth.

At many Goldwater mass meetings in the South he was quoted as stating, Our purpose, as I understand it, is neither to set up a unintegrated society nor to set up an incorporate society as such. It is to continue a free society. Forced Integration is merely every bit incorrect as forced segregation ( Black and Black, 152 ) . That statement was a political posturing by Goldwater to show to African-Americans that he was non a racialist, although he did desire to direct a message to White Southerners. The Democratic platform focused on wellness attention, instruction, public assistance, lodging, and occupations ( Dunham, 127 ) . Republicans knew they wouldn t acquire the Black ballot, so they opposed authorities s engagement in those issues, trusting to appeal to White Southern Democrats. Senator Goldwater created contention in the election by stating that if he were to win the presidential term he would cut down the United States support for NATO, sell the Tennessee Valley Authority, and alter the Social Security System ( Durham, 127 ) . On the economic sciences end, Goldwater was besides conservative. He supported decreased ordinance of concern by the Federal Trade Commission, and less authorities disbursement ( New York Times, 10A ) . Goldwater s account for his economic places was governmental bound would trip free-market competitory capitalist economy ( New York Times, 10A ) .

On a lighter note, something called the Cola Wars became outstanding during the 1964 election. Goldwater fired the first shot in the Cola War when he produced a soft drink called GOLDWATER, distributed by the Gold-Water Distributing Company of Granite City, Illinois. Not to be outdone, Johnson responded with Johnson Juice, distributed by the Ladybird Distributing Company besides of Granite City, Illinois ( hypertext transfer protocol: //www.gono.com/virmus/tour/1964pres.htm ) .

The 1964 election saw the morning of a new age in media. For the first clip the webs and print media made a joint agreement in acquiring a fast county on the ballots coming in ( Dunham, 129 ) . This allowed them to do projections on who the victors might be even before all the ballots were counted. Another new development was the Vote Profile Analysis, which made it easier to foretell the result of the election before the election ( Dunham 129 ) . Today this is a media forte.

President Johnson started off with a significant early lead in the run. Many people were satisfied with the authorities s public presentation, which can turn out to be a immense advantage for officeholders. In order to win the election, Goldwater would hold to do the people see issues non readily seeable. Up until the election of 1964, the Democratic Party had controlled the southern provinces. But now, with Afro-american support, many white Southerners felt that their involvements would non be taken attention of by the Democrats. Goldwater hoped the perceived nothingness left by the Democratic Party, would be fil

led by the Republican Party in the Black Marias of white Southerners.

Many times Goldwater tried to acquire President Johnson to hold to a argument, but Johnson refused every Goldwater offer. Johnson took the intelligent path by non holding to a argument. As a really popular officeholder, Johnson had nil to derive by holding to a argument and everything to lose. And, because the media did non hammer Johnson on his refusal to debate Goldwater ( something that would non go on today! ) there was no overruling public discontent against Johnson s refusal to debate.

Though there were no arguments, televised or otherwise, mass media still played a critical function in the 1964 Presidential election. Commercials were an built-in portion of the election. While the Johnson run tried to paint Goldwater as an extremist who would utilize atomic arms on a caprice, the Senator s run used celebrated Republicans who supported him in its telecasting ads.

One of the most celebrated political run commercials of all clip, Daisy Girl, raised the public s frights that Goldwater would utilize atomic arms. The commercial opens with a immature miss picking the petals off of a daisy, and numbering aloud as she plucks off each one. Fifteen seconds into the commercial, a loud, dining voices begins a 10, 9, 8, 7, countdown. When the countdown reaches zero, a picture of a nuclear-bomb detonation, complete with mushroom cloud, appears. Towards the terminal of the commercial another voice warns viewing audiences of the dangers of atomic warfare. The voice says, These are the bets: to do a universe in which all God s kids can populate, or to travel into the dark. We must either love each other or we must decease. At the decision, yet another voice advises viewing audiences to vote for President Johnson, stating ballot for President Johnson on November 3. The bets are excessively high for you to remain at place.

Another of Johnson s commercials, Ice Cream Cone, besides warned viewing audiences of what would hold happened had Goldwater been elected president. The full commercial pictures a immature miss merrily creaming an ice pick cone, while a adult female s voice is heard in the background. She says, Do you cognize what people used to make? They used to detonate atomic bombs in the air. Now kids should hold tonss of vitamin A and Ca, but they shouldn Ts have any Stratium Nidae or Cessium-137. She goes on to state how those things can do you decease, and that a pact was passed to censor the testing of atomic arms, but that Senator Goldwater opposed that pact. If Goldwater is elected president, she warns, the testing might restart. Like all of Johnson s ads a adult male s voice says, ballot for President Johnson on November 3. The bets are excessively high for you to remain at place.

One of Goldwater s more popular commercials featured the Great Communicator himself, Ronald Reagan. Says Reagan, I asked to talk to you because I m huffy. I ve known Barry Goldwater for a long clip, and when I hear people say he s unprompted and such bunk I boil over. Believe me, if it weren T for Barry maintaining those male childs in Washington on their toes, do you candidly think our national defence would be every bit strong as it is? Reagan goes on to state that Goldwater does non prefer directing military personnels into war. Do you believe Barry candidly wants his boies and girls involved in a war, asks Reagan. At the decision of the commercial another voice says, ballot for Goldwater in you bosom you know he s right.

As the election grew nigh, Johnson started deriving back some of the support he had lost from the southern provinces, after late in the run when he took a circuit of them. By this clip the GOP was believed to be fading, and enthusiasm continued to turn for Johnson in the South. Johnson s married woman, Lady Bird Johnson became an of import ally for the President in his stretch run run through the southern provinces ( New York Times, 10A ) . During his visit to the Deep South Johnson tried to make the feeling that Goldwater was taking one place on the issue of civil rights in the North and another place in the South ( New York Times, 10A ) . Their chief avenue of onslaught was a booklet sent out by Goldwater s run central office in Washington, D.C. , and so withdrawn. The booklet, which portrayed Goldwater as a strong protagonist of the Civil Rights Movement, forced Goldwater to concentrate resources in the South ( New York Times, 10A ) .

With Goldwater s attending on the South, he finally lost support in the West and Midwest parts. Goldwater had counted on holding California s 40 electoral ballots, every bit good as the Lincoln Republican provinces of the Northeast. As November 3 neared, Goldwater knew his opportunity at triumph was fading, but could make nil about it.

The consequence of the election was that Barry Goldwater received a woodshed whipping like no adult male before or since has received. On a twenty-four hours when 61.7 per centum of eligible electors turned out, Lyndon Johnson earned 43,126,584 ( 61.1 % ! ) of their ballots, to Goldwater s 27,178,188 ballots. In the Electoral College, Johnson carried 44 provinces ( 486 electoral ballots ) , with immense wins in the electoral-vote hotbeds of New York, California, and Texas. Goldwater carried merely six provinces ( 53 electoral ballots ) ; his place province of Arizona, and Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina. Although he merely won six provinces, he did do an impressive screening in the South.

In his failed presidential run, Goldwater non merely lost but besides took legion house Republicans down with him. Prior to the 1964 election there were 258 house Democrats, and 177 house Republicans ( Congressional Quarterly s Guide to Congress, 896 ) . After the 1964 consequences were tallied, there was a net alteration of 37 house seats. The Democrats upped the bulk to 295 members, while the Republicans were down to 140 seats ( Congressional Quarterly s Guide to Congress, 896 ) . Goldwater s black command non hold the same consequence on senate Republicans as it had on their house brethren, with the GOP merely losing one place ( Congressional Quarterly s Guide to Congress ) . This is most likely because merely tierce of the Senate is up for election every two old ages, and possibly a consequence of the many Republican officeholders who occupied safe seats.

Not surprisingly, the Republicans did derive some seats in the southern provinces. Alabama experienced the biggest displacement in power. The Yellowhammer State saw its figure of house Republicans leap from zero to five, in going the province s bulk deputation ( Congressional Quarterly s Guide to U.S. Elections ) . Georgia and Mississippi witnessed one-seat additions by Republicans, while the GOP maintained its monopoly on South Carolina s two house seats ( Congressional Quarterly s Guide to U.S. Elections ) .

There are legion historical significances of this election. Afro-american electors showed more support than of all time for Democrats, possibly because for the first clip the major party campaigners had different positions on racial issues. It was besides the first Presidential race to have an Afro-american campaigner, Clifton DeBerry of the Socialist Workers Party. There was besides a displacement in geographical party commitment. The Republicans began to pull to a great extent from White Southerners, while the Democrats took chokehold of the Northeast every bit good as Black electors.

Whenever person proposes anything seen by others as unconventional, there is normally an adjustment period required before the thought becomes accepted. One can look anyplace for illustrations of this phenomenon: the universe of political relations, dad civilization, or even in athleticss and sports. I believe this is the instance with Barry Goldwater. His thoughts of steadfast conservativism were seen as extremist by both members of the resistance and his ain party. Gradually, though, they became more widely embraced by American electors. The Republicans won the White House in 1968 behind Richard Nixon, and had it non been for the Watergate dirt the line of sequence between him and Reagan may hold been unbroken. However, the GOP did derive brief control of the Senate in 1980, and control of both the Senate and House in 1994. While Barry Goldwater may hold taken an buttocks whooping in 1964, the Republicans can thank him for paving the manner for the Republican Revolution in Presidential and Congressional elections in America, and peculiarly the South.

Plants Cited

Black, Earl and Black, Merle. ( 1992 ) . The Critical South: How Presidents Are Elected. Harvard University Press.

Cardinals, Edward and Stimson, James. ( 1990 ) . Issue Development: Race and

Transformation of American Politics. Princeton University Press.

Congressional Quarterly s Guide to Congress. ( 1982 ) . Third Edition. Washington D.C. : Congressional Quarterly.

Congressional Quarterly s Guide to U.S. Elections. ( 1994 ) . Third Edition. Washington D.C. : Congressional Quarterly.

Dunham, Pat. ( 1991 ) . Electoral Behavior in the United States: 1960-1988. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Havel, James. ( 1996 ) . U.S. Presidential Candidates and the Elections. New York:

Simon & A ; Schuster Macmillan.

hypertext transfer protocol: //www.gono.com/virmus/tour/1964pres.htm

hypertext transfer protocol: //www.ammi.org

Nelson, Michael. ( 1996 ) . Congressional Quarterly s Guide to the Presidency. Second Edition. Washington D.C. : Congressional Quarterly.

1964. The Goldwater View of Economics. New York Times ( Oct. 11 ) .

1964. Johnson s Southern Trip Spurs New Support. New York Times ( Oct. 11 ) .

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