The Potential For A U.N. Peacekeeping Force In Kosovo Essay, Research Paper

I. IntroductionThe bombardment of Kosovo by NATO forces may eventually come to an terminal. While the alibis for bombing the troubled part have been challenged, for the most portion the universe concurs that the atrociousnesss gong on in that state warranted international action. In any event, the bombardment did start and it continues, despite the inadvertent hits on prosaic small towns and edifices which were non marks in the first topographic point. They have been explained away as ineluctable during such a mission. Casualties must be expected.While the mission continues, negotiations of peace are in the air and even Milosevic seems hopeful. Yet, he remains obstinate, unwilling to follow with authorizations which would basically hold the bombardment attempts. Still, a decision seems to be nigh. If in fact a pact can be implemented, a peacekeeping force is inevitable. Yet, the force, or at least the usage of the term & # 8220 ; force & # 8221 ; could be met with resistance. Another of import issue which crops up is the composing of the force. It is by and large agreed that the United Nations would play a major function in peacekeeping. Yet, there are a assortment of political constituents at drama, and at that place has been tensenesss due to NATO & # 8217 ; s military mission, every bit good as Russia and China & # 8217 ; s ambivalent function in all of this. How all of these factors play out will basically impact the peacekeeping attempts by the U.N.In analyzing the potency for the U.N. & # 8217 ; s presence in the part, the political deductions every bit good as the grounds for the war in the first topographic point, are all of import. First, an in depth expression at the struggle in Kosovo is necessary in order to analyse the effects and necessity of a possible U.N.-led force.II. The Crisis in KosovoEvery war has to hold a ground. For the Kosovo struggle, one ground NATO gives for originating the struggle is to forestall another holocaust ( Cotler 8 ) . Nazi Germany is fresh in the heads of many, and subsisters of the decease cantonments are still with us today. No 1 wants to do a error and delay as the alleged & # 8220 ; cultural cleaning & # 8221 ; is in full swing. Yet, the bombardments seemed to hold brought even more atrociousnesss, something non unexpected. It was justifiable as had nil been done, cultural cleaning would go on. At least the universe is making something about the job. Though the war itself will convey casualties on all sides, and programs of expensive rebuilding of eastern Europe in the hereafter, it is seen as good overall.While many agree with the action, and support for the mission is gained daily, the ground for the war is instead weak if one were to analyse the mission. The international community had chosen non to step in in topographic points like Cambodia, Iraq, Bosnia, and Rwanda in the yesteryear ( Cotler 8 ) . Another ground that the war does non do sense is because the cultural cleaning had been traveling on for rather some clip. NATO & # 8217 ; s near-decade-long silence over human rights misdemeanors in Kosovo ( 8 ) is excessively much of a important point to overlook. Why now? Some suggest that the bombardment was political. Although NATO is made up of an international community, the true power is that of the United States, with Britain as a close second. The critics of the action contend that Milosevic is made out to be a & # 8220 ; Hitler & # 8221 ; by NATO which is a manner to warranting the bombardment ( Cotler 8 ) . Some even go so far as to propose that Clinton is making a bogus war ( Alexander A19 ) . Alexander suggests that it is a bogus war because its scheme has been determined by sentiment polls, and aiming determinations made by the 19-nation commission which often changes aims anyhow ( A19 ) . Further, he notes the fact that the menace of land military personnels was ne’er an option, which adds to the claim that it is non a true war ( A19 ) .Other criticisms embracing the Wag the Dog hypothesis, the dad civilization created thought that a president can deviate attending from a dirt by get downing a war. The existent events of the Kosovo crisis do with eldritch preciseness correlative with the film events as the war was started in the thick of Clinton & # 8217 ; s impeachment test which had in fact shortly been forgotten. Possibly the theory is non that far fetched.Alexander besides claims that declared aims are non sensible ; they are the backdown of Serbian forces from Kosovo, the ability of the Kosovars to return place along with the execution of a peacekeeping force and liberty for Kosovo within Serbia ( Alexander A19 ) . Despite unfavorable judgments on the war and grounds for the war, the point is that it was started and is soon in advancement. Nothing can alter that expect a alteration in the impulse in the signifier of a peace understanding, or a retreat on the portion of either party. Before researching possible redresss, a expression at the war itself will be helpful to the analysis.March 24, 1999 was the first twenty-four hours of the action when NATO air work stoppages had begun ( & # 8221 ; Day by twenty-four hours & # 8221 ; PG ) . On that twenty-four hours, more than 40 Serb marks were struck and Yugoslavia claims that 11 civilians were killed and 60 were wounded in air work stoppages ( PG ) .The first several yearss of the air war held studies of farther Serb atrociousnesss while Milosevic continued to confirm his stance ( PG ) . Russia demanded a arrest to the air work stoppages and an American stealing combatant went down ( PG ) . It is of import to retrieve that at the clip the mission had begun no 1 was certain of the extent that Yugoslavia was prepared. They did believe that they would hold a greater battle than what really materialized. There were many presentations around the universe opposing the action. Russian Prime Minister met with Milosevic in Belgrade on March 30 ( PG ) . The mass hegira from Kosovo began during this first hebdomad of attacks.On March 31st it was learned that three soldiers were losing ( & # 8221 ; Day by twenty-four hours & # 8221 ; PG ) . The really following twenty-four hours, April Fool & # 8217 ; s Day, they were paraded on telecasting. They were the first prisoners of the war but that didn & # 8217 ; t last long. Much later on, Jessie Jackson negotiated their release which would basically take to peace negotiations. Although he acted entirely, without U.S. support, it was thought that possibly the bombardment could be stopped due to the release of captives. But NATO did non take the carrot. The bombardment did non stop.Throughout the struggle, refugees continued to pour out of Kosovo which created a quandary for the universe as they had to travel someplace. On April 3rd, Macedonia said it would no longer accept refugees unless other European states begin acknowledging some ( & # 8221 ; Day by twenty-four hours & # 8221 ; PG ) . Immediately, Germany agreed to accept some refugees if other European states would follow ( PG ) . At around the same clip, the White House announced that extra monies would be used to assist the refugees ( PG ) . The really following twenty-four hours, NATO announced programs to make an airlift run to convey in refugee supplies and to temporarily settle 20,000 refugees in the United States ; they besides planned to settle 40,000 in Germany, 20,000 in Turkey and lesser sums in Norway, Denmark, Romania, Sweden, Austria, Greece, Canada and Portugal ( PG ) . The international community did measure in rapidly to assist. The mass hegira and relocation would be televised as the Kosovars were received with sympathy and kindness.However, the bombardment continued and accidents do go on. After some successful bombardments of installations deemed to be a menace, guiltless people were killed. Such incidents became more legion. On April 13th, for illustration, NATO admitted that a bomb by chance hit a rider train, killing at least 10 civilians ( & # 8221 ; Day by twenty-four hours & # 8221 ; PG ) . Of class, some harm is expected but such a move has been criticized. The span on which the train traveled was clearly targeted. It was thought that NATO should hold known that trains, possibly with guiltless commuters, used that span. Another accident occurred shortly after, killing 64 refugees ( PG ) . Again, there was much unfavorable judgment as it was thought that NATO should hold been able to separate a group of refugees from a military cabal. It was around this clip in mid-April that the U.N. estimated about 100,000 new refugees were headed for Macedonia ( PG ) . Germany announced a program to let a one-day NATO armistice if in fact Milosevic would get down to retreat military personnels ( PG ) . He didn & # 8217 ; t.On April 23, Russian minister plenipotentiary Viktor Chernomyrdin met with Milosevic, denoting a discovery understanding for & # 8220 ; international presence & # 8221 ; in Kosovo ( & # 8221 ; Day by twenty-four hours & # 8221 ; PG ) . But peace would non be restored. Further, while President Clinton met with the Russian minister plenipotentiary to discourse the Russian diplomatic attempt to seek to stop the bombardment, the U.S. rejected the entreaty by Yugoslavia to halt the bombardment because they had released the three confined work forces ( PG ) . However, on May 3rd Clinton announced a willingness for to hesitate in the bombardment if in fact military personnels were pulled back ( PG ) . Therefore, although the U.S. did non hold to halt bombardment as the military personnels were let travel, it does look that there was a alteration in attitude on both sides merely about that clip. Up until the release of the three U.S. military personnels, the enterprise was a U.S.-led war, backed by Britain and of class, the other states in the NATO confederation but much universe unfavorable judgment had been lodged in the procedure. Yet, Jesse Jackson was able to negociate the release of captives and Russia continued negociating for a peaceable solution. President Clinton continued the strong arm policy but did look all of a sudden more flexible. Part of the ground for the rough rhetoric was of class because forces were already committed and in fact, dialogues had failed in the yesteryear. Yet, the beginning of May proved to be a turning point and speak had begun about the possibility of a peacekeeping force in the foreseeable future.On May 5, there was optimism in the air in support of the Russian-led diplomatic solution. Reports of such a diplomatic enterprise suggested an & # 8220 ; international organic structure & # 8221 ; to run Kosovo when Yugoslav military personnels would draw out ( & # 8221 ; Day by twenty-four hours & # 8221 ; PG ) . On May 7, the United States and Russia seemed to hold made some headroom in negociating a peace program and even President Clinton felt that a true peace procedure had begun ( PG ) . The United Nations, at this clip, stepped into the peace negotiations and elements of the program seemed to include a strong peacekeeping function in Kosovo with NATO and Russian military personnels ( PG ) . Thingss were looking good until an incident which could be internationally important occurred. It was supposedly another accident. But the branchings were serious and the U.S. is non out of the forests yet.Again, the Wag the Dog theory, while refering chiefly to recreation from a sex dirt, is relevant. At least that is how it is perceived. However, some White House spectators contend that possibly Clinton had wanted to cover up something significantly more serious than an a sexual affair. Chinagate has been given small attending but it has been alleged that Chinese money had helped to fund the Clinton run. Further, it had been late learned that the Chinese authorities stole a important sum of U.S. military secrets. With that in head, the & # 8220 ; accident & # 8221 ; that happened on May 8th was extraordinary. If it were an accident, it gave the struggle rather an dry twist.What happened precisely was that on May 8, 1999 a missile onslaught hit the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, killing three and injuring a twelve others ( & # 8221 ; Day by twenty-four hours & # 8221 ; PG ) . Gratuitous to state, the Chinese authorities was non happy. What was besides important was that the ground given for the accident seemed so farcical that some contend that the alibi was deliberately feeble. The ground for the mistake was explained as their mistakenly utilizing a four twelvemonth old map and the embassy had been built after that clip. However, it had been reported that a map of four old ages old reveals an empty batch where the embassy was built, proposing that such an incident could ne’er hold happened. Why would they drop a bomb on an empty batch? Wouldn & # 8217 ; T they have noticed the disagreement between the map and the world of the state of affairs? While NATO instantly apologized and ab initio offered no inside informations, there were many protests in China, which overshadowed the peace negotiations ( & # 8221 ; Day by twenty-four hours & # 8221 ; PG ) . On May 9th, China announced that it would suspend scheduled negotiations with the U.S. , which were unrelated to the present war ( PG ) . On May 10th, Yugoslavia announced a partial withd

rawal of troops from Kosovo but U.S. officials described their attempt as unimpressive (PG). In the mean time, problems persisted with bad feelings between China and the U.S. Soon, China demanded that there be an immediate halt to the bombing campaign before the United Nations considers any peace plan (PG). Protests against the U.S. by the Chinese began to slow down (”Day by day” PG). In fact, on May 14th, as part of a planned visit to China, NBC’s Matt Lauer was finally allowed to broadcast from the Great Wall. His trip had been delayed due to the crisis. This, and other events, suggest that the tension is less than it had been initially. During that week, Defense Secretary William Cohen reiterated that NATO will accept nothing less than a total troop and police withdrawal from Kosovo (PG). The war continues but peace may have a chance.III. The Role of the United NationsThe United Nations took a back seat in terms of the Kosovo crisis but had recently, finally become involved. The head of the United Nations had actually proposed a plan as early as mid-April (McWethy, Gibson and Sawyer PG). The U.N. proposed that if the Serbs would pull out, a peacekeeping force could in fact be led by the U.N. as opposed to NATO (PG). Many ask why didn’t the United Nations become involved sooner and question the U.N.’s role in the new world order anyway.Some contend that the United Nations as an entity, has been hurt by its exclusion from the Kosovo crisis thus far (Pisik A13). However, they can in fact, play a significant role now. Diplomats say that once the military phase is over, the United Nations, whose charter includes primary responsibility for international peace and security upon members of the Security Council, will be essential in negotiating a settlement and policing the Kosovo area (A13).John Bolton, formerly part of the Reagan administration, notes that the U.S. does want the face-saving cover the U.N. can provide (Pisik A13). On May 6, G-8 foreign ministers who met in Bonn agreed that the Security Council should establish an interim administration for Kosovo in order to ensure conditions for a peaceful and normal life for all the Kosovars (A13). Ministers from the Group of Seven rich countries who attended were from the U.S., Japan, Germany, France, Britain, Italy and Canada; Russia was expected to be present at the Petersberg guest house just outside Bonn (”G8 close” PG). They agreed that deployment in Kosovo of any international civil and security forces should be something that had to be endorsed and adopted by the United Nations (Pisik A13). The ministers said a U.N. Security Council resolution must be prepared (A13). There does seem to be a significant role for the U.N. now. Perhaps it is, as Bolton suggested, political in nature. Yet, many ask why the U.N. has taken a back seat thus far.One reason why the U.N. has been left out of the process to this point is that the permanent members of the Security Council have been divided by NATO’s bombing campaign (Pisik A13). In fact the division is so significant that both Russia and China have refused to declare their support even for humanitarian efforts (A13). Russia and China’s role had already been touched on. Despite the fact that they have expressed staunch opposition to the NATO exercise, they have been major players in the political game surrounding the activity.Slovenian Ambassador Danilo Turk called the fact that even humanitarian issues are affected by the division disturbing (Pisik A13). And again, Russia and China’s role is each very different from one another. Russia, while opposed, has been integral to the peace process. China, on the other hand, in light of the accident in the Chinese embassy, protests against the U.S. and the recently stolen military secrets, has taken on quite another role and in fact international relations are severely strained.As far as the U.N.’s role in all of this, James Morrow, of Stanford University, said that although the United Nations has had none so far, its role could be vital if in fact a deal is made(Pisik A13). He noted that the U.S. is now seeking the right forum for international approval and coordination and added “Once you get to a point where you want to bring in the Russians and the Chinese, then the U.N. – a consensual organization – makes sense” (A13). John Hirsch, a U.S. diplomat, sees the current impasse as predictable and said that Washington’s respect for and use of the organization has historically cycled up and down (A13). It seems as if the U.N. is used politically and it may very well be used here in that manner. Of course, it can be used practically in order to get more nations involved in keeping peace in the troubled European region. But it also has been noted that it was the first time an agreement had been reached that suggested that any Kosovo peacekeeping force should operate under a U.N. mandate (”G8 close” PG). As far as how quickly it would be able to take control of the territory is another matter (PG). It could take quite some time.The U.N.’s role in past conflicts has been significant. During the 1970s Washington used the United Nations to support sanctions against white-ruled South Africa as well as to settle others conflicts such as those that existed in Namibia (Pisik A13). The 1980s, on the other hand was a time of disengagement (A13). There was however a spike for the 1991 Gulf war, as well as another estranged period during the Somalian, Rwandan and Bosnian peacekeeping venture (A13).In terms of the peacekeeping force itself, a foreign ministry spokesman said that the peacekeeping force should have significant powers and noted that the force would not be weak, but rather robust (”G8 close” PG). At the same time, First Deputy Foreign Minister Alexander Averdeyev was quoted as saying that the international presence should at first be civilian and might only in the future have a security component (PG). The plan put forth however highlights NATO’s preference for a U.N. solution and for a broad international peacekeeping force (”Hope” PG). NATO troops will probably be there as well (PG). It has been asked, how large should the U.N. presence be and how heavily armed would they be (PG)? Another question which looms large is what would the mix of NATO, Russian and other troops be (PG)? No one knows for sure at this point. All of that is negotiable (PG).One thing that is thought to be the case is that the NATO component of the force must include American troops, and it further must have its own independent command and defensible bases (”Hope” PG). It is further believed that it must be potent enough to thwart another Serb attack, at least until NATO reinforcements can be utilized (PG). In any event, Slobodan Milosevic was given a message and further, had been never as isolated as he is today (”Hope” PG). Even his Russian friends are prepared to desert him unless he allows the United Nations to take over in Kosovo and deploy troops so that refugees can go home (PG). That is the message which came out of the meeting in Bonn.The Kosovo peace plan is essentially a potential breakthrough as it reflects Russia’s fading alliance with Milosevic (”Hope” PG). While many are pleased with the successful peace talks, Kosovo continues to be bombed. Further, many wonder what Milosevic thinks and what he might do. After all, the ball will be in his court soon. In fact, it always was. He could have, at any time, stopped the bombing by complying with NATO requirements. While he has not adequately complied thus far, one wonders how a peace keeping force might be received. An interview with Milosevic himself was conducted on May first. Some of his answers may help to shed light on just how a U.N. force might work in the region.When asked about a U.S. trusteeship or protectorate, Milosevic said he didn’t understand why a U.N. protectorate would be necessary (Arnaud A8). He clearly noted that he is not saying that he is against a U.N. mission (A8). He explained that even before the war, they accepted 2,000 verifiers from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) (A8). He also noted that the International Red Cross and the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, had huge missions in Kosovo in the past (A8). By citing examples of how open the country was, he suggested that they were cordial to the international community (A8). Yet, he notes that while they accepted foreign reporters and governments with open arms, others abused that privilege as for example, KLA terrorists were being supported (A8).Milosevic continued and says that the U.N. can have a large mission in Kosovo if it wants but they will not accept an occupation force, whether it is a NATO or a U.N. operation (Arnaud A8). When asked if he would accept a U.N. peacekeeping force, he replied “Yes, but no army” (A8). He further noted that self-defense weapons would be acceptable, but no offensive weapons would be tolerated (Arnaud A8; Cobban 11). He added that they would not accept anything that looks like an occupation (Arnaud A8). When the term U.N. “peacekeeping force” was brought up later in the interview, he said that he did not like the term “force” and said “We would welcome a U.N. mission, not what “force” implies. There is no job for forces. What would such forces do? Just ruin our roads with their tracked vehicles. We would welcome anyone, any mission, that accepts to be our guests. Their mission would be to observe that all is peaceful and not to act as an occupation force” (A8). The interviewer cleverly noted that much of the problem is semantics, to which he had no reply but he did say that they would like to see representatives of neutral countries rather than those who had committed aggressive acts against them (Arnaud A8). In determining which forces would be acceptable Milosevic explained that there are European countries that are not members of NATO, such as Ireland, and troops from that country, for example, would be acceptable (A8). Contingents from Russia, Ukraine and Belarus have also been mentioned and would be acceptable to Milosevic (A8). Clearly, there is a difference of what is acceptable to Milosevic and what will be demanded by the rest of the world. Despite such differences, the future is hopeful as at least, people are talking.IV. ConclusionThe implementation of a U.N. peacekeeping force is an idea that has always been on the table, waiting for the right moment. Even China and Russia seem to be coming around. If all can agree, and Milosevic will cooperate, the bombing can in fact come to an end and a U.N.-led mission can go forth. That of course remains to be seen. There are a number of factors and if Milosevic is not cooperative, the international political consequences can be devastating. Both China and Russia want the bombing to stop and there is no telling which way they will go in the future if in fact an agreement is not reached soon. Further, with internal turmoil in Russia, and Yeltsin’s impeachment trial in progress, the future of Russia’s role is a mystery, but it is thought that its position will probably remain unchanged (Holland PG). The world is watchfully waiting with a degree of optimism, as bombs continue to fall down on Kosovo villages and refugees continue to make homes in strange lands.Works CitedAlexander, Lamar. ” Clintonesque war.” The Washington Times 12 May 1999A19.Borchgrave, Arnaud de “‘We are willing to die to defend our rights.’” The Washington Times 1 May 1999 A8.Cobban, Helana. “Beyond the war in Kosovo.” The Christian Science Monitor 13 May 1999 11.Cotler, Irwin. ” Holocaust as metaphor.” Jerusalem Post 12 May 1999 08.”Day-by-day account of Kosovo events.” Gannett News Service 11 May 1999 PG.”G8 close to common line on Kosovo peace-Germany.” Reuters 5 May 1999 PG.Holland, Steve “U.S. sees no change in Russia role in Kosovo.” Reuters 12 May 1999 PG.”Hope for Kosovo.” The Toronto Star 7 May 1999 PG.McWethy, John, Gibson, Charles, and Sawyer, Diane. ” NEW KOSOVO PEACE PLAN.”ABC Good Morning America 14 Apr 1999 PG.Pisik, Betsy ” U.N. welcomes chance to have a voice in Kosovo solution.” The Washington Times 7 May 1999 A13.Note PG refers to pagination of electronic sources