Theodore Roosevelt Essay, Research Paper

Outline

Thesis: Theodore Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s political presence altered the class of the

United States,

transforming it into a world power to the full ready to manage the challenges of

any resistance,

and changed the function of the president and executive subdivision of US

authorities, doing it a

force to be reckoned with.

I. Introduction

II. Before Roosevelt

A. Post-Reconstructionist Positions

B. The Industrial Revolution

C. The Gilded Age

1. Railwaies

2. Robber Barons

3. Immigration

4. Standard Question

D. McKinley

III. The Roosevelt Era

A. Early Life

1. Influence of Parents

2. Invalidism

B. Early Political Career

1. Ending Corruption/Enforcing Laws

2. Political Foremans

3. Governorship

C. Presidential Era

1. Vice Presidential Race

2. Manipulation of the Imperativeness

3. Federal Regulatory Laws

4. Foreign Policy

5. Strong Executive Branch

D. Post-Presidential Era

1. Taft

2. The Progressive Party

IV. Post-Rooseveltian America

A. Wilson

1. Continued Progressivism

2. World War I

a. Inactivity

B. Activity

B. Life After Wilson

1. Execution of Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s Reforms

2. Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s Influence Today

3. Influences in the Future

V. Conclusion

Theodore Fdr:

The Founder of an Era

The bend of the century has ever been a large trade for modern

civilisations. One hundred

old ages of life is rather big compared with the mean 70 or so given to

most. Because of

that, people tend to look in tendencies of decennaries, instead than centuries or

millenary. When it

does come clip for a new century, when that 2nd figure rotates, as it

does so rarely,

people tend to look for alteration. Events tend to fall before or after the

century, non on top

of it, and United States history, peculiarly, has had a inclination for

sudden alteration at the

century Markss. Columbus & # 8217 ; inadvertent find of the West Indies in 1492

brought on the

geographic expedition age in the 1500s. Jamestown settlement, founded in 1607, was

England & # 8217 ; s foremost

bridgehead on the New World. A monolithic population rush, brought on in portion

by the import of

Africans, Markss entry into the eighteenth century. Thomas Jefferson & # 8217 ; s

presidential term, get downing in

1800, changed the face of American political relations. 1900 was a mature twelvemonth for

alteration, but needed

person to assist the alteration arrive. That person was Theodore Roosevelt.

Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s

political presence altered the class of the United States, transforming

it into a

world power to the full ready to manage the challenges of any resistance, and

changed the function of

the president and executive subdivision of US authorities, doing it a force

with which to be

reckoned. As the first president with progressive positions, Roosevelt enacted

the first

regulative Torahs and prosecuted large concerns who had been go againsting them

and others for

old ages. Roosevelt besides initiated the United States & # 8217 ; active involvements in

other states, and

began to distribute the benefits of democracy throughout the universe. Before

Roosevelt, the

United States was an inward-looking state, mostly xenophobic to the

calls of the remainder of

the universe, and chiefly concerned with breaking itself. As one critic put

it, & # 8220 ; Roosevelt

was the first modern president & # 8221 ; ( Knoll ) . After Roosevelt, the United States

would stay a

world power, chiefly interested in all the universe & # 8217 ; s personal businesss for at least a

century ( Barck 1 ) .

It would be foolish to presume that Roosevelt was a fabulously powerful

person who

was able to alter the class of the United States every bit easy as Superman

might alter the

class of a river. It would be more accurate to state Roosevelt was the

right individual in the

right topographic point at the right clip. It is necessary, though, to demo how the

United States was

progressing, and how Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s presence simply helped to catalyse the

patterned advance. It

has been said that when John Wilkes Booth murdered Abraham Lincoln, he

& # 8220 ; extinguished the

visible radiation of the democracy & # 8221 ; ( Cashman 1 ) . While this is a little exaggeration, it

serves as an

illustration of the general temper that pervaded the period from 1865 to 1901.

The early

ruling factor was, of class, Reconstruction. Reconstruction was a

soiled game, and

cipher liked it. Johnson fought with Congress and the terminal consequence proved

really small had

changed. The South was still mostly agricultural, and the North was

commercial. Most

significantly, the Southerners and the Northerners still felt they had as

small to make with

each other as a fish does with a bike. To the immature & # 8220 ; Teedie & # 8221 ; Roosevelt,

this must hold

made itself evident. He was born in a assorted family, where & # 8220 ; Theodore

Roosevelt ( Sr. ) was

as deeply & # 8230 ; for the North as Martha Roosevelt was for the south & # 8221 ;

( Hagedorn 10 ) . The

fact that the household was able to populate, from all histories, really

harmoniously, is rather

amazing and gives recognition to the all right parents who raised immature

Theodore.

Reconstruction & # 8217 ; s greatest ( and possibly merely ) achievement was the

constitution of a

footing for industrialisation. The basic devastation of the southern

agricultural procedure

combined with the greater demand for points in the North caused the economic system

of the post-war

United States to switch toward the metropoliss ( Nash 576 ) . The general purpose of

the Untied States

had turned toward the large metropoliss, but was still focused on constructing the

state & # 8217 ; s power from

within. And along with the betterment of industry in the United States

came the flicker of

inventiveness that found itself in the heads of great discoverers like Edison

and Bell. Once

once more keeping the end of & # 8220 ; hasten [ ing ] and secur [ ing ] colony, & # 8221 ;

both work forces

concentrated on betterments in communications, bettering the transmittal

of visible radiation and

sound ( Cashman 14 ) . The presence of these two, who are representative of

so many others,

shows the involvement the citizens of the United States had at this clip in

bettering their

substructure. It is interesting to observe here that Roosevelt, as the

foremost president to

brand usage of the popular imperativeness to his advantage, grew up at the same clip

as these work forces,

eleven old ages their junior. The period of the United States straight before

Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s was

known as the Gilded Age, due to a book of the same name by Mark Twain that

made usage of

mentions to & # 8220 ; gild [ ing ] refined gold, & # 8221 ; and & # 8220 ; guilt & # 8221 ; from Shakespeare

combined with the

& # 8220 ; guilty, gilden clubs & # 8221 ; that had sprung up in the signifiers of involvement

groups, labour brotherhoods,

and monopolies ( Cashman 3-4 ) . Indeed, the most dominant figures in this

age ( for the

presidents were surely beneath reference ) were the robber barons. These

persons came

to power in two coevalss. The first, peppered by those such as Jay

Gould, Jim Fisk, and

Daniel Drew, rose to the top rapidly by geting the state & # 8217 ; s railwaies

through non ever

legitimate agencies ( Cashman 34 ) . The railwaies were power, as can be seen by

the important

rise in stat mis of rail, about a 500 % addition from 1865 to 1900. Those who

controlled the

railwaies controlled the state, and were able to keep a lock on the

industry. Subsequently

robber barons, such as Rockefeller, Carnegie, and, of class, J. P.

Morgan, operated much

the same manner, extinguishing the competition by one manner or another until they

could command

their industry ( Cashman 38 ) . As the three or four 1000 barons made

their lucks,

withstanding authorities, and fundamentally making a plutocracy of business communities,

another big group

was come ining the American thaw pot in larger Numberss than earlier. Ten

million people

came to the United States between 1860 and 1890, and the great bulk of

them had small

more deserving to their name salvage the apparels on their dorsum and the boat

ticket that had

brought them to America ( Cashman 86 ) . Having nowhere to turn, the big

bulk settled in

the port metropoliss into which they came. These in-migrations were mostly

unrestricted ; the

United States non yet holding installed a quota system. The

Chinese-Exclusion act and the

subsequent & # 8220 ; gentlemen & # 8217 ; s understanding & # 8221 ; with Japan slowed the inflow of Asiatic

in-migration after

1880, but these did non impact the Numberss of immigrants every bit much as one

would believe.

Americans could non fly, as there was no frontier left to talk of, and

assimilation

progressively failed to be effectual. The consequence was nativism, & # 8220 ; a defensive

type of

patriotism & # 8221 ; ( Cashman 106 ) . The demand to enforce the will of the American

civilisation onto

other states can be seen here, in its early phases. The chief difference

between this epoch

and the following, in that regard, is that the flag waving had non yet left the

state. The

Gilded Age & # 8217 ; s strongest presidential race would stop up to be its last, and

the ensuing

president, McKinley, can non be classified as a Gilded Age president.

However, the issue of

the Gold and Silver criterions shows the United States for the last clip as

a wholly

inward-looking state. Although a metal criterion would non vanish from

United States

currency until good into the mid-twentieth century, and the inquiry of

the purchase of

silver would once more be raised by President Franklin Roosevelt, the Free

Silver run of

William Jennings Bryan versus the Gold Standard enforced by McKinley shows

the last

internal economic agitation until the great depression. The National

Grange died upon

McKinley & # 8217 ; s election, and & # 8220 ; after the exhilaration of Bryan & # 8217 ; s Free Silver

run died down,

the agricultural agitation mostly subsided & # 8221 ; ( Barck 21 ) . The terminal of the old epoch

could now get down.

It is dry that McKinley & # 8217 ; s presidential term ended in blackwash, for

without the sudden

alteration of leading in the White House in 1901, the transmutation

undergone by the United

States may hold appeared every bit gradual as it was intended to be. McKinley was

president over

the & # 8220 ; shuting old ages of the 19th century, grade [ ing ] the terminal of

comparative isolation

and the beginning of an era during which the United States emerged as a

universe power & # 8221 ;

( Barck 77 ) . Indeed, McKinley fits this description of the terminal of the

19th century

good. He was a really transitionary character ; non as bland or powerless as

the three who had

come before him, yet still figurehead plenty to be led by Mark Hanna, the

national

republican foreman. McKinley & # 8217 ; s gaze typifies his character: & # 8220 ; His stare was

intimidating in

its inkiness and steadiness & # 8230 ; Merely really perceptive perceivers were cognizant

that there was no

existent power behind the regard: McKinley stared in order to concentrate a

sulky, rolling

head & # 8221 ; ( Morris 586 ) . McKinley was president when the United States & # 8217 ; first

modern military

intercessions began. However it is clear McKinley was non an expansionist

at bosom. He

declared in his inaugural reference, & # 8220 ; We want no wars of conquering ; we must

avoid the

enticement of territorial aggression & # 8221 ; ( Cashman 315 ) . However, much of

America did desire war

with Spain, and after the American ship Maine blew up in Havana, killing

266 soldiers,

Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore Roosevelt called for war with

Spain to liberate Cuba.

The subsequent licking of the Spanish in 100 yearss and the gaining control of the

Philippines

demonstrates the expansionist nature of the United States increasing.

During the election

of 1900, Bryan ran against McKinley once more. This clip, both work forces campaigned

on the same side

of the same issue, recommending appropriation of abroad districts ( Cashman

329 ) . This

confused Democrats and allowed McKinley & # 8217 ; s re-election for the last twelvemonth of

the nineteenth

century. The advancement of the United States from the decease of Lincoln to

the Character assassination

of McKinley has shown the tendency off from Jeffersonian positions of a loose

authorities,

leting the people to be independent, and into one more pro-government,

like that of

Hamilton. Coupled to this was a inclination to look outside United States

boundary lines into the

planetary community. The pendulum of history had passed its in-between grade and

was brushing

upward. It needed, nevertheless, an person to transport it to its vertex.

Theodore Roosevelt was

in the right topographic point at the right clip. Whether he was the right individual for

the occupation remains a

affair that must be dealt with. His foundations and his calling demonstrate

that he was the

perfect individual to win McKinley and take the United States into its

modern epoch.

Roosevelt was born on October 27, 1858, one hebdomad before Buchanan was

elected president, and

two and a half old ages before the eruption of the Civil war. Not holding much

in the manner of

echt acquisition accomplishments at such an early age, Roosevelt, in a sense,

& # 8220 ; slept through [ the

war ] & # 8221 ; ( Hagedorn 11 ) . In another sense, he did non. Theodore Roosevelt was

born into a house

of strikingly opposite leaders. His male parent was a big, cheerful, powerful

adult male, who tended

to be joyful and move rapidly. It is safe to state Theodore Roosevelt,

junior, received his

stature from the adult male bearing his name ( Morris 34 ) . If Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s male parent

was a & # 8220 ; northern

burgess, & # 8221 ; his female parent was an archetypical Southern belle, refined and

elegant. By all histories

she was perfectly lovely, and had a fantastic gustatory sensation for the beautiful

things in life

( Morris 36 ) . From her, immature Theodore inherited his love of the natural,

his sense of

decorousness, and his strong humor. The even balance that existed in the

Roosevelt place fell into

a confusion of kinds as war broke out. TR, Senior was a Lincoln Republican

and desired

strongly a opportunity to contend, nevertheless his married woman, her sister, and her female parent,

all staunch

Confederates, resided in the same house. To compromise, TR, Senior hired

person to contend

for him and served the ground forces in a civilian sense. TR, Junior has ever

been known as a

steadfast militaristic adult male. Although his male parent was, in his ain words, & # 8220 ; the

best adult male I of all time

cognize & # 8221 ; ( Miller 32 ) , in his failure to contend for his authorities, Roosevelt

felt ashamed, and

ne’er mentioned this defect on his male parent & # 8217 ; s great repute in his

Autobiography. It is

speculated that it was this deficiency of military show that encouraged

Roosevelt to be so

military and about hysterically desire warfare ( Morris 40 ) . Theodore

Roosevelt, Senior,

was ever a strong person in organic structure and psyche. Consequently, he felt

understanding towards

those about him, and endeavor to assist them by learning mission schools,

supplying attention for

hapless kids, and happening occupations out West for those upon whom difficult times

had fallen. He was

even known to take in invalid kitties, puting them in his coat-pockets

( Morris 34 ) . The

powerful head and will of Theodore Roosevelt, Junior, nevertheless, was born

into a sallow organic structure.

Teedie suffered from bronchial asthma, and incurred, along with it, a host

of associated

diseases such as frequent colds, nervous diarrhoea, and other jobs

( Miller 31 ) . He was

left really weak as a immature kid, and was frequently capable to teasing. His

father spoke to

him, stating:

Theodore, you have the head but non the organic structure, and without the aid of the

organic structure the head

can non travel every bit far as it should. You must do your organic structure. It is difficult

plodding to do

one & # 8217 ; s organic structure, but I know you will make it ( Miller 46 ) .

Consequently, Teedie replied with ardor, & # 8220 ; I & # 8217 ; ll do my organic structure! & # 8221 ; Indeed he

did. The immature

Roosevelt spent hours in the gym, working on weights to do himself

better. It was this

never-say-die spirit that pushed Roosevelt forward, and urged him into his

signifier of powerful

political relations. Theodore Roosevelt, Senior, had ever hated political relations. He had

received a

peculiarly awful dosage when caught up in the Rutherford B. Hayes

run. Roosevelt, a

Hayes protagonist, had drawn the peculiar anger of Hayes & # 8217 ; oppo

nent for the

Republican

nomination, Roscoe Conkling. Hayes attempted to set Roosevelt in as

place of Collector,

but failed to have senate nomination due to Conkling & # 8217 ; s anger ( Miller

76-8 ) . Theodore

Roosevelt, Junior, & # 8220 ; inspired by his male parent & # 8217 ; s humiliation at the custodies of

the

politicians & # 8230 ; was determined to go portion of & # 8230 ; the regulating category & # 8221 ;

( Miller 110 ) . This

inspiration was coupled in Roosevelt with a strong desire for power.

Unlike many work forces who

had gotten into the political game, Roosevelt boldly admitted that he

coveted power, and

his desire served him good, leting him to go a echt calling

politician ( Miller

111 ) . The political game had non changed so much since Theodore, Senior

had tried to run

it, and Theodore, Junior had an acclivitous conflict. He had to contend from the

beginning, but

fortuitously was equal in that regard. At first plagued by strict-line

party vote,

Roosevelt managed to eventually procure political office, but it was at that place

that his true

problems would get down. An of import and telling portion of TR & # 8217 ; s early

political calling occurs

during his stretch as a civil service commissioner in Washington. One

memorable incident

occurred in 1889 when Roosevelt faced some hard political

steering. In Milwaukee,

Postmaster George Paul was accused of doing assignments to friends and

neutering records

to conceal it. Hamilton Shidy, a Post Office overseer, provided most of

the damaging

grounds. The committee was to urge Paul & # 8217 ; s fire, when Paul

announced his term of

office was up irrespective. The committee returned to Washington, where

they learned Paul

had lied about his length of service. Roosevelt instantly drafted a call

for Paul & # 8217 ; s

remotion to the White House and the Associated Press. This promotion irked

legion

Republicans who were no aliens to corruption themselves. Postmaster

General Wanamaker,

who was non peculiarly fond of Roosevelt to get down with, was rather angry.

He allowed Paul,

who had non been removed, to disregard Shidy, who had been promised

protection by Roosevelt,

for insubordination. Now Roosevelt was stuck between a stone and a difficult

topographic point. He was edge

both to Shidy as a defender and to continue his station, which would justify

Shidy & # 8217 ; s remotion.

Wanamaker was seeking to coerce Roosevelt to vacate. Luckily, president

Harrison intervened

and agreed to happen a topographic point for Shidy, but the conflict was non over. As he

waited for Paul & # 8217 ; s

removal orders from the White House, which were non forthcoming, Frank

Hatton, the editor

of the Washington Post decided to establish an onslaught, lying blatantly about

Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s

embezzlement of financess or other crying Acts of the Apostless. The Post fired back

with more onslaughts,

doing Roosevelt to angrily indicate to Wanamaker & # 8217 ; s misbehaviors. Rather than

go on the

conflict, Harrison managed to hold Paul resign, and Roosevelt accepted half

of a triumph. He

had successfully stopped the wheels of the political machine one time. It was

non to be the

last clip ( Morris 403-8 ) . Roosevelt spent several old ages as a commissioner

of constabularies in New

York City, finally lifting to go president of the board of

commissioners. In these

old ages, the true marks of the presidential term that was to come shone through.

Two of Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s

closest familiarities were Lincoln Steffens, and Jacob Riis ( Morris 482 ) ,

both newsmans of

New York newspapers. It was through them that Roosevelt communicated to

the people, and he

found it good pattern to hold the relayers of his messages be his

friends. Through Riis & # 8217 ;

book How The Other Half Lives, Roosevelt had learned of the predicament of the

hapless. Roosevelt

saw the atrocious life conditions present in constabulary housing houses, and had

them done off

with ( Cashman 123 ) . He battled constabulary corruptness, seeking 100s of

officers and happening

corruptness and transplant in every corner of the section ( Morris 491 ) . When

McKinley & # 8217 ; s foremost

vice-president, Hobart, died, Roosevelt found himself in the capacity of

Governor of New

York. He had already fought in a war and been Assistant Secretary of the

Navy, where he

helped to orchestrate the United States & # 8217 ; functions in Cuba and Panama.

Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s expansionist

positions were here seen. As governor, he continued to withstand the old political

tactics,

including bossism. Platt, the political foreman of New York, had gotten

Roosevelt elected

governor, yet invariably ran up against Roosevelt, who would non follow

any of his orders.

Roosevelt spent a good clip of his governorship trying to outmanoeuvre

Platt and his

agents who were to a great extent present in the province legislative assembly ( Morris 708 ) .

Hobart & # 8217 ; s decease, in

1899, forced the hunt for a new vice-presidential campaigner, particularly

due to the

approaching election. Roosevelt emerged as the taking campaigner, to the

discouragement of the

Republican National Party & # 8217 ; s foreman, Senator Mark Hanna. Hanna considered

Roosevelt rather

unsafe ; in the old term Hanna had done a great trade of commanding

the president,

and he feared what would go on if Roosevelt became vice-president.

McKinley did non demo

any particular penchant. Hanna chose his ain campaigner, John D. Long, but

was convinced

through some somewhat fly-by-night political maneuvering to vote for Roosevelt

against his ain

better judgement ( Morris 727 ) . Hanna & # 8217 ; s personal disfavor of Roosevelt did

non decrease in the

slightest, nevertheless. Shortly after the 1900 elections, Hanna sent McKinley

a note stating

& # 8220 ; Your responsibility to the Country is to populate for four old ages from following March

( Miller 342 ) . McKinley

was re-nominated nem con, having all 926 ballots. Roosevelt received

925, the individual

ballot against him cast by himself ( Morris 729 ) . Roosevelt served four yearss

as Vice President

before Congress adjourned until December. And when the intelligence of McKinley & # 8217 ; s

sudden decease on

September 14 came to him he said, in a really un-Roosevelt-like mode, that

he would

& # 8220 ; go on, perfectly unbroken, the policy of President McKinley for the

peace, the

prosperity, and the award of our darling state & # 8221 ; ( Barck 45 ) . This was

tradition for

replacing presidents, although it surely seemed uneven coming from such

a strong-minded

adult male as Roosevelt. Roosevelt had already made himself highly good known

in the populace

oculus, so his passage to president was non every bit awkward as it might hold

been. Roosevelt

campaigned furiously during 1900, going a sum of 21,209 stat mis and

doing 673 addresss

in 567 towns in 24 provinces ( Morris 730 ) . Merely Bryan had campaigned more in

the nineteenth century.

For this ground, Roosevelt was able to pull strings, to a certain grade,

the popular imperativeness.

Although he disliked those & # 8220 ; Muckrakers, & # 8221 ; as he called them, who looked for

error

everyplace and served largely to stir scandalmongering thoughts, Roosevelt had

a certain

preference for those similar Steffens and Riis, who wrote abundantly on the demand

for societal

reform. To make his portion, Roosevelt attempted reforms that would profit the

working category.

Unlike old presidents, Roosevelt refused to utilize national force to

interruption work stoppages. He

besides instituted the Interstate Commerce Act, which, with the Hepburn Act,

allowed

authorities ordinance of transit systems, forestalling the railway

monopolies from

establishing below the belt high monetary values ( Barck 52 ) . Taking a cue from Upton

Sinclair & # 8217 ; s The Jungle,

which detailed in graphic description the flagitious handling of meat at

sausage mills,

Roosevelt had the Pure Foods and Drugs Act and the Meat Inspection Act

passed, forestalling

the industry of harmful nutrients and necessitating review of meat

installations. A alone

facet of Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s presidential term was his foreign policy. Although McKinley

had been

involved in Cuba and the Philippines, he had ne’er expressed a want to

dominate as a universe

power. Roosevelt had, so, operated a big portion of the United States & # 8217 ;

aggressive function

towards Cuba, and in his presidential term went even further to procure the United

States as a

ruling power. In 1904 he declared what would go the Roosevelt

Corollary to the

Monroe Doctrine in a missive to Secretary of War Elihu Root ( Miller 394 ) .

Roosevelt argued

that it was a civilised state & # 8217 ; s right to step in if its neighbours are

engaged in

wrongdoing. To that terminal, Roosevelt began to utilize force to continue peace

and order in the

Western Hemisphere. The Dominican Republic needed Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s aid foremost,

as it was being

harassed by Italy and France, to whom it owed big amounts of money. To

relieve the

job, a loan was set up from the United States. Although the Dominicans

finally

settled on the loan, anti-imperialists felt the United States was

fixing to annex the

Dominican Republic. It has been said that & # 8220 ; The Roosevelt

Corollary [ ‘s ] & # 8230 ; announcement was

cogent evidence that the United States realized its place as a universe power & # 8221 ;

( Barck 100 ) . Of

class, this was all contingent on Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s enforcement of his

philosophy. Roosevelt

confirmed the function of the U. S. farther by supplying a strong military

presence to wrest

the boundary line of Alaska from Canada in 1902 and most significantly, by

finding and

possibly a small improperness in the appropriation of the Panama Canal zone.

Colombia had been

a friendly state to the U. S. , and when Panama revolted it seemed

suspect that the United

States should let such an operation. But, as tends to be the instance,

Roosevelt wanted

Panama free for other agencies. In his words, he wanted to & # 8220 ; take Panama, & # 8221 ; for

a canal and he

did, demanding independency from a contract with England and grouching

when the trade ended

up to be a 100 twelvemonth rental of the canal zone, instead than an outright

purchase. The Panama

canal was, in Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s head, to be every bit great a effort as the Louisiana

purchase or Texas

appropriation. It was a controversial step, and showed Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s beliefs

in the

high quality and rights of civilisation ( Miller 399 ) . In 1907 Roosevelt

eventually decided he

had had plenty and, instead than run for a 3rd term, which he could hold

easy done,

virtually appointed William Howard Taft as his replacement and went off to

enjoy retirement.

Taft was a good friend of Roosevelt and shared many of his positions. Under

Taft, Congress

expanded the Conservation Laws, maintaining alive TR & # 8217 ; s national Parkss service.

In add-on, 80

suits were initiated by Taft & # 8217 ; s lawyer general on companies go againsting the

Sherman

Anti-Trust act. Unfortunately, Taft & # 8217 ; s presidential term was non about as

successful as

Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s, for while the state became more and more progressive, Taft

stood rap,

staying largely conservative ( Barck 68 ) . In response to Taft & # 8217 ; s

conservative stance,

imperfects united to organize the National Progressive League. Meanwhile,

Roosevelt returned

to political relations. Bored with the quiet life, he desired the presidential term one time

once more, and of course

went for the Republican ticket. However, Taft decided to give Roosevelt a

small gustatory sensation of

his ain medical specialty, and refused to submit to Roosevelt, who was now playing

the political

foreman. The friendly relationship that had existed between these two was splintered,

and Roosevelt, in a

fury, formed the Progressive party and ran as a 3rd campaigner. Although

he feared he

would be defeated if the Democrats nominated a progressive campaigner

( which they found in

Wilson ) , Roosevelt ran with his psyche, as he did everything in life. At the

Progressive

party convention, Roosevelt read aloud his & # 8220 ; Confession of Faith, & # 8221 ; a

sweeping charter for

reform that outlined the docket for the 20th century ( Miller 528 ) .

The confession

advocated direct senate elections, discriminatory primaries, adult females & # 8217 ; s

right to vote, corruptness

Torahs, referendum and callback, a federal securities committee, trust

ordinance, reduced

duties, unemployment insurance, old-age pensions, anti-child-labor Torahs,

and nutrient pureness

Torahs ( Miller 528 ) . Roosevelt lost the 1912 election, but he surely did

non lose power.

Over the following century, he would hold every individual portion of his docket made

national jurisprudence. The

bend towards progressivism was merely get downing, and continued with Wilson.

Although a

Democrat, his positions were unusually progressive. They were besides unusually

Rooseveltian.

Like Roosevelt, Wilson had a strong will and did non take kindly to

dissent, as can be seen

by his assignment of Louis Brandeis to the supreme tribunal over the

expostulations of at least

six former presidents of the American Bar Association ( Barck 110 ) . Wilson

besides officially

reinvented the function of a strong executive demonstrated so heartily by

Roosevelt by

presenting addresss straight before Congress, instead than holding them read

by a clerk.

Wilson kept alive Roosevelt & # 8217 ; s ideals with duty decreases, the Federal

Reserve System.

Wilson even advocated the democratisation of the Philippines, even though

he was strongly

anti-imperialist ( Barck 121 ) . Until the war in Europe distracted America

long plenty to

lead it finally back into a post-war depression, Wilson carried on the

traditions of his

political opposition, in the redefined presidential term of the freshly powerful

United States.

Although the United States was traveling of all time frontward in its attempt to

& # 8220 ; patroling the universe & # 8221 ; it

was non every bit progressive as all that in 1914. Even TR himself did non

advocator connection in on

World War I, seeing no ground to take portion in an matter that did non

concern the United

States in the slightest. However, one time German Submarines began droping ships

transporting American

riders, Roosevelt changed his melody, along with a per centum of the

American people.

Finally, adequate popular sentiment urged Congress to declare war, and it

was done. It

seems here as if Wilson was dragging his pess, but in another coevals,

the mere

consideration of war in Europe would hold been farcical. Having gotten

its pess moisture, the

United States became a excellent state with first-class

duties. The United

States advocated by TR continued after the war and beyond. After a brief

interlude in which

everything seemed to return back to the old ways and Americans looked

once more toward the

single, another Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, used the thoughts of his

cousin to

reinvigorate the economic system and reconstruct the state. Today, the reforms

advocated by TR exist

and are in full usage, while other more progressive reforms, like national

wellness attention, are

being considered. Although our civilisation may non stop suddenly in 1999,

as predicted by

legion psychics and fortune-tellers, it is likely that some big

radical act

will alter the manner our state works in four old ages or so, merely as it has

before. While our

Roosevelt may non hold the huge popularity or fantastic appeal as the

original, it is non

doubtful that whoever it is will hold to hold will, strength, encephalons, and

fortitude equal

to or above that of the original.

Barack, Oscar Theodore Jr. , and Nelson Manfred Blake. Since 1900: A History

of the United

States in Our Timess. New York: MacMillan, 1974.

Cashman, Sean Dennis. America In the Gilded Age: From the Death of Lincoln

to the Rise of

Theodore Roosevelt. New York: New York University Press, 1984.

Hagedorn, Hermann. The Boys & # 8217 ; Life of Theodore Roosevelt. New York: Harpist

and Brothers,

1918.

Knoll, Erwin. Review of Theodore Roosevelt: A Life, by Nathan Miller. New

York Times Book

Review, February 28, 1993. p.14. Compact disc read-only memory: Resource One.

Miller, Nathan. Theodore Roosevelt: A Life. New Yor: William Morrow, & A ; Co. ,

1992.

Morris, Edward. The Rise of Theodore Roosevelt. New York: Goward, McCann,

& A ; Geoghegan,

1979.

Nash, Gary, et. Al. The American Peoples: Making a State and a Society.

New York: Harpist

Collins, 1990.

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