& # 8217 ; s War Address To Congress: A Rhetorical Analysis Essay, Research Paper

A Rhetorical Analysis Of Woodrow Wilson? s War Address to Congress

With the position of the state? s belligerence to a great extent in inquiry, an

discerning President Woodrow Wilson prepared to bespeak from an

unmotivated and unprepared state a declaration of war against Germany.

After exercising every effort possible to retain the peace and award of the

United States, the President was eventually forced to take between the two,

in which he opted for the latter ( Seymour 26 ) . As he sat down to compose

his congressional reference suggesting war, the uncertainness of his determination

overwhelmed him. He confided to a member of his cabinet, Frank Cobb, that

he had ne’er been as unsure about anything in his life as the judgement he

was doing for the state ( Baker 506 ) . Through a rhetorical analysis of

Wilson? s points of debate and his manner in the presentation to the war

Congress, we can derive a better apprehension of the president? s intent to

non merely convert the Congress that American belligerence in the concluding phases

of the war would indefinitely shorten it and supply him with the chance

to form the peace for Europe every bit good as the remainder of the universe ( Ferrell 2 ) ,

but to rock the American people? s sentiment to one of non-isolationism, to warn

Germany? s authorities that? America would finally exert a powerful

blade to deny them triumph? ( Parsons 2 ) , to oblige German citizens to

release the pigboat onslaughts and negotiate peace and his footings ( Parsons

2 ) , and to quiet his ain uncertainness about his determination.

The demand for Wilson? s address and the current mentality of the

American populace were a direct consequence of a sequence of counter events

in Europe that were quickly set uping the United States. As the undertaking of

staying impersonal became progressively impracticable due to legion abuses by

the British and German authoritiess, Wilson was forced to switch his foreign

policy into a more internationalist range, a way which the bulk of

Americans failed to follow ( Boyer 791 ) . The same adult male who was reelected in

1916 on the platform? he kept us out of war? , who delivered the? peace

without triumph? address, who urged his state to stay impersonal? in action?

every bit good as? in idea? was now inquiring Congress to O.K. American entry

into the war.

As President Wilson confronted the state on the eventide of April 2,

1917, he presented a instance of past discourtesies coupled with present

fortunes in hopes of supplying a more effectual instance for taking

America into war ( Blakey, 2 ) . He employed antecedent-consequence

throughout the beginning of his reference to justify his call for belligerence.

By recapitulating the events of German abomination as seen most deeply

in the sinking of United States vass, Wilson let the record speak for

itself. He appealed to the sense of compassion in his audience with the

reference of? hospital ships as ships transporting assistance to the afflicted people of

Belgium & # 8230 ; .have been done for with the same foolhardy deficiency of concern or rule?

( Baker 510 ) It was these? hard-hitting charges of indignation and abuse by

Germany? that stirred Wilson? s hearers ( Baker 514 ) . He continued to associate

events of the yesteryear to his present point of view by acknowledging that he was at

foremost? unable to believe that such things could be done by any authorities?

( Safire 110 ) , but as American lives were unjustly taken he realized that the

German authorities had disregarded all regard for international jurisprudence and

had declared war against world ( Baker 510 ) .

This war? against world? Wilson defined as the purpose of German

pigboats to take the lives of guiltless, uninvolved citizens, whose

activities, being providing assistance to bereaved states or exporting goods on

merchandiser ships, have ever been deemed as unoffending and legitimate

chases, by no agencies worthy of assault ( Safire 111 ) . Wilson contrasted the

British? s intervention with impersonal trade as little compared to the

immediate and intense struggle with Germany over pigboat warfare,

illustrated by the remark? Property can be paid for ; the lives of peaceful

and guiltless people can non be? ( Safire 111 ) .

The President went on to offer another definition in hopes of

warranting his call to war. He labeled the struggle as? a war against all

states? representing the hurt that other states have experienced

due to the indifferent and grim bombardment of their ain impersonal ships

( Safire 111 ) . By tie ining the United States with other friendly states

who are besides at odds with Germany, Wilson? s call for war seemed more

convincing. He went on to asseverate that the pick made by the U.S must be

suiting to the remarkable features of the state and that they must

be really clear what their motivations upon entry into the war were: non

retribution or profession of physical might, but to support the rules of

peace and justness and? to put up amongst the free people of the universe an

observation of these ideals? ( Safire 113 ) . We were come ining the war non to

conflict with the German people, but to battle a greater threat, the system

that had impended these misdemeanors ( Baker 512 ) .

The president proceeded with respect to his stance on neutrality.

Aware of pacificists like Henry Cabot Lodge in the audience, Wilson appealed

to those who had non forgotten his promises of maintaining America out of war.

He admitted that his premise that armed neutrality would be equal in

? safeguarding his people from improper force? was in fact impossible and

he had failed to? asseverate our impersonal rights with weaponries, our right to utilize the

seas against improper intervention, our right to maintain our people safe against

improper force? ( Safire 111 ) . Wilson delivered this phrase with the usage of

the corporate pronoun? our? which worked to give the semblance that the

state was ununited on this war declaration ( Safire 109 ) . The president

continued to rebut his old place by indicating out that it is about

impossible for impersonal ships to support themselves on the unfastened sea without

subscribing to the same inhumane measures the Germans have employed,

destructing ships before they reveal their purpose. ? The place of armed

neutrality has worked merely to bring forth what it was meant to forestall, ?

claimed the President with hopes of formalizing his attitude reversal. The

president was certain that armed neutrality would carry through nil but

bring America into a war that it was unprepared for and the state would

accordingly, deficiency effectivity ( Safire 111 ) . Wilson, forced to do a

pick for his state as to either keep its award or peace, stated

? There is one pick we can non do, we are incapable of doing & # 8230 ; & # 8230 ; We will

non take the way of entry? ( Low 239 ) . With this sentence, Wilson

defined neutrality as being synomous with entry and he refused to let

the rights and/or the people of the United States to be violated or

ignored ( Safire 113 ) .

With neutrality voided, the President moved on to turn to the chief

concern of his address. With a sedateness of linguistic communication, Wilson asked to

Congress to declare the recent abuses of the German authorities as

? nil less than war against the authorities and people of the United

States? and he advised that they accept their newfound position of

combatant and work to fix the state? s resources and people to get the better of

the evil German imperium and decide the war ( Clements 2 ) . The president

expressed his sorrow in hour angle

ving to do such a move but found it as his

? constitutional responsibility? to make no other ( Safire 112 ) . Through the usage of

anaphora for accent, he stated the demand for an ground forces to be raised through

drafting, the levying of revenue enhancements, doing money readily available to the Allied

powers, increasing agricultural and industrial production, and overall

committedness by the state to give its all to destruct the? Prussian

autarchy? ( Clements 140 ) . Wilson was inquiring for more than had of all time been

demanded of the state before ; bespeaking non merely their trueness and

enthusiasm, but? organisation of the state? s strength to contend the enemies

of democracy and restore the proper balance of power in Europe? ( Blakey

2 ) .

The President reminded the state that during the class of the last

two months his war aims had remained unchanged and he proceeded to

warn Americans of the nessecity of retaining their virtuous motivations and purposes

as the state mobilized for war ( Safire 113 ) . Wilson so called America to

war? for the noblest intent a war has of all time been undertaken? ( Baker 511 ) .

? Our object & # 8230 ; .is to justify the rules

of peace and justness in the life of the universe

as against selfish and bossy power and

to put up amongst the truly free and self-governed

peoples of the universe such a concert of intent

and of action as will henceforth see the

observation of these rules & # 8230 ; .We are at the

beginning of an age in which it will be insisted

that the same criterions of behavior and of

duty for incorrect done shall be observed

among states and the single citizens of

civilized provinces? ( Ferrell 2 ) .

With this statement, Wilson ruled out any inquiries as to why he was

taking his state into combat and it became apparent that? His words

pointed to principle, non selfish involvement, as the motivation for war? ( Safire

109 ) . Wilson refused to accept a? moral dual criterion? in international

personal businesss and he recognized the morning of a new age in which the same

rules of behavior and effects of wrongdoing would be observed by

all ( Ferrell 2 ) .

Then President Wilson went on to turn to the American place on

the German people. He proclaimed America wasn? t contending against the

general populace of Germany, but we were engaged in a conflict opposing the the

authorities of which the people had no control over.

? We have no feeling towards them but one of

understanding and friendly relationship. It was non upon their

impulse that their authorities acted in come ining

this war. It was non with their old cognition

or blessing? ( Baker 512 ) .

Wilson went on to compare the war declaration of Germany to those of

disregarded yearss when the populace was ne’er consulted or made aware of the

purposes of a belligerent state. Obviously dissing the disposal of the

Germans, Wilson acknowledged that? self-governed states do non make full their

neighbour provinces with undercover agents or put the class of machination to convey about some

critical position of personal businesss which will give them the chance to strike and

do conquering. ? & # 8211 ; all of these statements connoting that if Germany were

under democratic regulation, the pigboat warfare run would be

non-existent ( Safire, 114 ) . One must see the sarcasm in this statement in visible radiation

of America? s legion efforts to derive influence in other states by

agencies of military intercession and economic domination as exemplified

during the presidential terms of Theodore Roosevelt and William Taft, who

utilized the Roosevelt Corollary and dollar diplomatic negotiations as their tools of

expansionism.

In order to set up peace and morality in the universe, Wilson asserts

that the universe must be governed by the regulation of the people. In order to

maintain? a steadfast concert for peace? , Wilson concludes that the lone

reply is democracy ( Safire 114 ) .

? Merely free peoples can keep their intent

and their award sweetheart to a common terminal

and prefer the involvements of world to

any narrow involvement of their ain? ( Baker 512 ) .

Wilson provided Russia as the premier illustration of this ideal? League of Honor?

by indicating out how the state had prepared itself to fall in in the? forces

contending for freedom in the universe, for justness, and for peace? ( Baker 513 ) .

The Germans had failed to conform to this Wilsonian position of universe peace,

and hence? proved itself a? natural enemy to liberty? by its behavior in the

war, its insurgent activities in the United States, and its machinations and its

secret plans, as evidenced in the Zimmerman note? ( Baker 513 ) . President Wilson

called his state to set forth every attempt to hold the power of the German

Empire.

This sentiment is manifested in his following paragraph as Wilson

sum up his war aims into one all embracing end: to do the universe

safe for democracy ( Clements 140 ) . Wilson uses an exaggeration to

qualify American? s battle as one to procure peace for the whole

universe, one to see to rights of states great and little, and one to

safeguard the privilege of work forces everyplace to take their manner of life and of

obeisance ( Baker 513 ) . Once once more Wilson affirms that the United States

upon entry into the war desires? no conquering, no rule? ( Baker 513 ) . The

United States is readily willing to do forfeits without compensation in

order to procure the undenible rights of world ( Safire 115 ) . These

statements sing Wilson? s rules work non merely to convert the state

of the duty America has in vouching freedom, but besides to lenify his

ain reserves as to why he might be taking his state into war.

Wilson ended with an excusatory peroration full of sorrow. He began

by acknowledging the torment he felt over holding to convey this issue before

Congress and acknowledged that his was an? oppressive and straitening responsibility?

( Baker 513 ) . The President tiredly recognized that the route in front of the

Allies was traveling to be a long one and he did non try to screen the

state from the? after-cost in footings of test and forfeit to the state

and to civilization? ( Baker 513 ) .

Wilson expressed his personal aims in the concluding paragraph of his

address ( Baker 514 ) . Solemn, though really powerful, Wilson asked his chap

Americans to give their? lives and their lucks, everything that we

are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that twenty-four hours

has come when America is privileged to pass her blood and her might for

the rules that gave her birth and felicity and the peace which she has

treasured, ? ( Low 239 ) to the attempt of democratizes the universe. He ended

with, ? God assisting her she can make no other. ? With this shutting sentence

Woodrow Wilson left with America with no pick but to support her award

( ( Blakey 2 ) . Americans had ne’er earlier made the forfeits their state

was naming for, but Wilson was confident of the result. Two yearss subsequently

Congress voted overpowering that? the province of war & # 8230 ; ..which had been thust

upon the United States is hereby officially declared? ( Bailey 10 ) .

In decision, after a rhetorical analysis of Woodrow Wilson? s reference

to the war Congress on April 2, 1917 the reader is more cognizant of all of the

opposing cabals to which Wilson had to appeal to and the methods he

employed to make so. By acknowledging his ain frights about American entry into

the Great War, he helped to quiet the apprehensivenesss of the American people

as he sought to beat up them behind his cause to safeguard democracy for the

universe.